At the time this article was written
Jean Le Moyne was a Senator and member of the Subcommittee on Veterans'
Affairs.
On September 18, 1985, Senator
Hartland Molson proposed a motion that the Committee on Social Affairs and
Technology be authorised to undertake a study and report on the activities of
the National Film Board in relation to production and distribution of a
documentary film entitled "The Kid Who Couldn't Miss." The motion was
referred to a subcommittee on Veterans' Affairs, chaired by Senator Jack
Marshall. In its report the subcommittee recommended a disclaimer be added or
attached to the film identifying it as a docudrama, combining reality and
fiction. The report was tabled in the Senate in April 1986. On April 22 Senator
Le Moyne spoke to this report. A slightly revised version of his remarks
follows.
I do not intend to review the
hearings held by the subcommittee on Veterans' Affairs, chaired by Senator Jack
Marshall concerning "The Kid Who Couldn't Miss", a film of the
National Film Board on Billy Bishop, the great Canadian ace of the first world
war. Neither do I wish to revert to the discussions which led to the currently
debated report on said film of the Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs,
Science and Technology, chaired by Senator Arthur Tremblay. My distinguished
colleagues, Senator Everett and Senator Marshall, covered the whole matter in a
most thorough, convincing and moving manner . My sharing of their feelings and
of their reasoning is accompanied by such a surge of adrenaline that it is
extremely hard for me not to follow them all the way and embrace their
conclusions. This implies more than a little sober second thought. Indeed, I
had to have recourse again and again to some highly sobering and imperative
reminders.
It should be clear that I am not
hinting at a defence of the film in question or of the National Film Board
itself as collective producer of "The Kid Who Couldn't Miss". The
body of the Report is strongly and justifiably critical, and I endorse it
without any qualms. The single recommendation I make equally mine, adding in my
mind, as a personal footnote, that it goes as far as it can. So, I will just
try to deal with a principle, a principle which is, in my view, an insuperable
obstacle to the recommendations advocated by Senators Everett and Marshall, but
set aside by the report, and wisely so, I dare say.
My two colleagues have expressed
what my feelings have been every since I attended the screening of "The
Kid Who Couldn't Miss". The less than flattering report submitted by the
committee, on which I had the honour to sit, accurately reflects my thoughts on
the film. Honourable Senators, I am torn. However, I will not bore you with the
details of my mental anguish, and I will let you know my conclusions without
further ado. And they are that we must respect and safeguard the independence
of the National Film Board, however disagreeable that may be to us, in the
circumstances. We cannot censure the board by ordering it to withdraw or modify
or remake a film we dislike so heartily. We cannot censure the board by trying
to make it adhere to our standards and ideals, however constricting they may
seem and no matter how outraged we may be to see those standards and ideals
ignored.
Canada did something bold and
original when it established a number of cultural agencies that were given
mandates that were as clear cut as they could be, considering the need for
tremendous flexibility in dealing with that vast and diverse area we call
culture. By the way, the definition of literature given by that great French
critic, Charles du Bos, could also apply to culture: "Life becoming aware
of itself within the bounds of formal expression." A tall order, but that
is what the State has asked these agencies to do, each in its own way.
The agencies in question: the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, the Canada Council, the National Film Board
and others, have been given, through their constitutions or charters, a high
degree of autonomy, while remaining accountable to Parliament or to a
responsible minister. They are supposed to serve the national interest, but
they have a very broad field of action where they are entirely free to take the
initiative and exercise their jurisdiction, each according to its mission and
mandate.
There are two factors that should
be considered here. First of all, these agencies cannot be treated as being
other than mature. In other words, they are responsible and are expected to act
accordingly. However, we also expect them to be inventive and unpredictable and
even disconcerting. After all, they do have a mandate for creativity.
Second, these agencies were
established some years ago, at a given time and phase in the attitudes of our
society, but time goes on, and they are operating in our community as it is
today. They are working within the present context, a context that is new and
almost totally different from the environment that saw their birth. They are
immersed in an ambience saturated with new concepts. By their very nature, our
agencies are always in the extreme avant-garde.
This position in literature, the
visual arts, and information, is generally not one that is familiar to
political and military authorities or to the average parliamentarian. We must
therefore be careful. With due respect, and without wishing to denigrate our
prerogatives, we are far from being experts, especially in this day and age,
which, although it has preserved many age-old and ancient values, has also
managed to transform them in some way or another and create new ones, which may
often shock the older generation to which we belong. We must be careful,
because within our cultural agencies we have writers, playwrights, painters,
filmmakers and journalists, the peers of their avant-garde counterparts in the
private sector, who manage to scandalise a lot of old fogies. In fact, the
guilty parties in these situations are very often interchangeable!
We must be careful, because in view
of the role they have to play, our agencies cannot help but hire people who
work autonomously and freely in the disciplines they have chosen. Freedom is
capable of respect, but its inclination to irreverence does not necessarily
mean it should be censured. We cannot seriously expect the public servants and
freelance workers in our agencies to behave like good little girls and boys. We
cannot order them to avoid offending the susceptibilities of old age, capital,
the masses, religion, finance, the army, or unions. In fact, we expect them to
demonstrate their vitality by challenging that status quo. One does not need
the tools of a burglar or the instruments of a surgeon: all one needs is a
fresh perspective.
In establishing its cultural
agencies the government was taking quite a risk, the very risk inherent to the
freedom of those institutions. Of course a line had to be drawn between what
was to be held as acceptable and what had to be deemed inadmissible; but, as I
have already hinted, it could never be a neat and fixed line. Reality always
fluctuates and is partly every man's representation at any moment of history.
Again, let us beware, for the line never stands very long in relation to given
co-ordinates.
Allow me a fantasy in analogy: the
Senate Committee on Social Affairs is travelling in France a hundred and twenty
years ago; incensed by a canvas of a bursary of the Canada Council of Arts
named Paul Cézanne, its members manage to bar him from the salon officiel. In
1896, the same committee tries to stop the play Ubu Roi, by the surrealist
Alfred Jarry, because of its outrageous vulgarity. Then it will wait until 1960
to lift the ban on Lady Chatterley's Lover, a dirty novel written in kinky ink
by one D.H. Lawrence, meanwhile fulminating against Picasso, Schönberg, Webern,
and Mondrian. The committee would not feel very good, considering the
subsequent and quick judgements of history on these enemies of decency.
I do not mean by this little flight
of fancy that our cultural agencies are bursting with geniuses whom we are too
dumb to discern. No, but I mean that one should not be too quick to condemn and
censure. On sober second examination, our imaginary committee could have
discovered much more than met at first the sincere eye or the most sensitive
ear – much more that is a lot of masterpieces. In the domain of ordinary
artistic, literary and cinematographic fare, the real committee very wisely
contented itself with criticism without censure. And, during the Péquiste
episode, the government held its peace in the case of Radio-Canada despite
almost unbearable itchings. Indeed the idea of a sort of lockout was in the
air. Patience according to the British gospel happily prevailed, and so did
Canada.
The Kid Who Couldn't Miss was not
made by a solid old geezer, but by a high-strung young man whose philosophy of
war is rather short, whose perception of heroes and their function in the stuff
of society is negative, and whose debunking propensities are, so to speak,
unchecked. It happens, that the mentality thus expressed is prevalent among the
young generations with many, many other outlooks and trends of the most
deplorable kind, according to more than a few orthodoxies. Mr. Cowan is part of
that context of modernity which can often be so unsettling, and so is the
National Film Board. Such debunking as that so rashly attempted in The Kid Who
Couldn't Miss is peanuts compared to what one can witness in any serious
contemporary work of exegesis. Nevertheless, debunking, which is a form or a
result of criticism, is one of the main characteristics of the age and one of
its most valuable contributions to the evolution of humanity. I rejoice in
criticism, because of the resulting advancement of science; because of the
deepening of psychological awareness, and above all because of the ongoing
purification of theologal faith, so long encumbered by layer upon layer of
anthropomorphism.
However painful justified or
unjustified debunking might be, it can not be limited or stopped by order of
Parliament or of the judiciary, nor by established censure. In instances
similar and analogous to the one deferred to us, censorship is just like
slashing air. I would rather fight windmills like Don Quixote: it's a lot more
fun! But unjustified and self-serving debunking might be corrected and
compensated by real criticism, of which the report of our Social Affairs
Committee on the Bishop film is a worthy example. I find it devastating and,
inasmuch as it does not go beyond the single recommendation, I rejoice in it.
But one could ask with understandable irritation: when is the state allowed to
impose its will on its cultural agencies? In money matters of course, but those
are barely relevant here. Aside from high treason, manifest criminal
activities, and violation of the Charter of Rights, I see nothing to warrant
intervention.
Whether we like it or not there is
a hole in Bishop's story as an air force ace. In the admirable succession of
the established details of his service over there one encounters a solution of
continuity. None of the witnesses we heard could deny it: the famous solo raid
which gained him the Victoria Cross cannot be substantiated, historically
proved, scientifically established. Great was my dismay when finally I had to
admit the damned and damning hole could not be plugged with any concrete fact,
with any fact hard as concrete. All tangible evidence has disappeared with
different archives.
I was not dismayed because of any
doubt concerning the integrity of Bishop the fighter giving account of himself,
for I hold the presumptions in his favour to be overwhelming. They are enough
for me and for many others to preserve intact, unblemished, the memory of
Bishop as the greatest Canadian ace, as a real hero for his time, for our time
and for ever. But such presumptions are not enough to constitute an airtight
case. Without that unfortunate hole in Bishop's life, the N.F.B. would have
never produced The Kid Who Couldn't Miss, but it was there, gaping,
unavoidable, undeniable, and it was maliciously, in our opinion, made to act
like geyser sprouting fore and aft in time doubt and suspicion. Our favourable
use of presumptions founded on Bishop's career and character is subjectively
correct, but it is not compelling from an historical point of view, and the
possibility of doubt remains. Of doubt, though, and nothing more. Allow me to
insist: the possibility remains, but of a doubt such that in all honesty it
should never have been allowed any reverberation.
The case of Mr. Cowan cannot be
better than that of Bishop's friends and admirers. And it is far from as good,
and it is a bad case, for it lies against the grain of a long pattern of limpid
valour and heroism.
All things said and considered,
what the recommendation of our committee asks is for us the maximum and for the
N.F.B. the minimum: designate properly as "Docu-drama" what cannot be
held to be a "documentary," confess fiction and hop along your own way.
Real formal censorship must not be attempted in the present case and in the
present circumstances – it would violate a principle dear to the Canadian sense
of freedom and democracy notwithstanding the risks entailed; it would create a
precedent upon which all the reactionary forces would pounce and feast, and it
would expose the Senate to a damning identification with those same elements of
reaction.
Let us suppose that we decide for
censorship: we would gain nothing. We would be laughed at, because there is
more at stake than Bishop's fame, that is the whole cultural dynamism of our
time: because the government would certainly not dare to intervene in fear of
the wrath of the whole literary college, of the whole artistic community, even
of the whole cité savante and because the N.F.B. would never give a damn.
Our strong criticism was all that
could be done and we acted honourably. The rest belongs to freedom. I feel sure
that The Kid Who Couldn't Miss will be forgotten long, long before the memory
of Billy Bishop starts to fade
Editor's note: In December 1987 the
National Film Board announced it would produce a new film on Billy Bishop and
add a disclaimer to "The Kid Who Couldn't Miss" identifying it as a
docu-drama.